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WATER
The Cochabamba Story
The
Cochabamba saga is rooted in the early 1990's, with the World Bank's
structural adjustment policies pressuring the world's poorest countries,
including Bolivia, to privatize publicly owned industries, usually
resulting in ownership by large foreign investors. Through private
deals, the details of which have never been fully disclosed, Bolivia
sold its airline, its electric utilities and the national train service.
The public benefit from this privatization seems to have been minimal
with increased unemployment, more expensive services, and an erosion
of working conditions.
In
1999, World Bank economists told Bolivian officials that "no
public subsidies" should be allowed to keep water rates affordable
and the government subsequently put its water utilities up for sale.
In Cochabamba, Bolivia's third largest city, government officials
conducted closed-door negotiations with Aguas de Tunari and secretly
signed a 40-year lease granting this private consortium, led by Italian-owned
International Water Limited and US-based Bechtel Enterprise Holdings,
the exclusive right to distribute water in the region.
The
newly privatized water company immediately raised prices, a move that
resulted in household water bills equal to 20-30% of a family's monthly
income. Water prices were set in dollars and annual rate increases
were to be measured against the consumer price index of the United
States, an economic structure impossible for the population to bear.
Furthermore, the lease contract and attendant legislation to enforce
it prohibited many of the traditional means of distributing water,
including community water tanks that collected rain, personal family
wells, and right of townships to determine where water wells could
be located.
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These
conditions led to weeks of civil society protests in late 1999.
Peaceful demonstrations against the government and corporations
grew to 80,000 participants, representing all sectors of Bolivian
society aligned in a concerted effort to reclaim their water privileges.
On two separate occasions, a general strike and transportation
stoppage brought the city to a standstill for days at a time.
The government responded with police, tear gas, and bullets as
well as the repeated detention of civil society leaders.
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Peaceful
demonstration against water privatization, Cochabamba 1999
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Amidst
the chaos and with repeated threats to his life, Oscar Olivera emerged
as the principal spokesperson for La Coordinadora de Defensa del Agua
y de la Vida (the Coalition in Defense of Water and Life), the citizen
body that negotiated with the government and the private water company.
Parallel to the pitched demonstrations and blockades against the Bolivian
army, with many civilians arrested and injured and one death, Olivera
led the negotiations with the Bolivian government that resulted in the
cancellation of the contract with Aguas de Tunari and the reform of
legislation that regulates the water services in the region.
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Oscar
Olivera, Coalition Spokesperson
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Giving
full credit for this victory to the people of Cochabamba, Olivera
explained their motivation to the press: "In Bolivia we
used to own mines, airplanes, and trains. Now all we own is
the air and the water and they wanted to take the water away
from us."
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Today
the people of Cochbamba are working diligently to develop a water
services solution that is a successful alternative to privatization.
Representatives from La Coordinadora have formed an uneasy alliance
with the local government in the reconstruction and management of
the local water company, SEMAPA. Currently the SEMAPA Board of Directors
is comprised of two members chosen by the Cochabamba Municipal Council,
one member elected by the union of SEMAPA workers, and two members
chosen by La Coordinadora. While public sentiment is still very strongly
in favor of La Coordinadora, opposition continues in certain government
circles and business elites. SEMAPA and La Coordinadora have created
an important opportunity to demonstrate a workable alternative to
privatization as the only rescue from debt and inefficiency.
In
the transition to public management, La Coordinadora is guided by
three principles: popular participation in key decisions; transparency
in the administration of the new water enterprise; and social equity,
including subsidies to keep water prices affordable for the poorest
water users. As a first project, consistent with the commitment to
social equity, SEMAPA implemented a policy of attending first to the
neediest. They did this by expanding water connections into the poor
southern neighborhoods of the area and by bringing back into operation
a number of pumps that were abandoned by Aguas del Tunari. Secondly,
La Coordinadora and SEMAPA have instituted regular community meetings
throughout the city and rural areas to identify pressing needs and
find shared solutions to pressing problems. This has resulted in the
activation of hundreds of new water connections and hundreds of meters
of new sewage lines, all with existing SEMAPA resources. How well
SEMAPA continues to serve its people and its government will not only
shape its future but provide an essential model for a more equitable
approach to economic globalization.
The
Cochabamba story has made Olivera a popular figure among civil society
activists and within other communities where similar situations exist.
For example, The IMF, backed by the World Bank, currently has loan
conditions on twelve of the poorest, debt-ridden African nations which
include water privatization. The loan conditions are part of the IMF's
recent Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility, which was designed to
help pay off the debt of the world's most inflicted countries. As
in the case of Bolivia, local civil society leaders are rising to
challenge these policies with Cochabamba as a reminder of the potential
for abuse of such loan terms and free trade policies. Olivera receives
regular email and phone contact from such leaders in various parts
of the world seeking advice and counsel on the way forward.
SEMAPA
Needs for Technical Assistance
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